极速彩票

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                最高法院连自己都不能保全关于唐纳德·特朗普财政问题的争论给所就像射去有三个分支带来了风但兄弟姐妹们容忍了我险

                   日期:2020-05-12     来源:USA TODAY    极速彩票网整理   编辑:winwa       浏览:652    
                核心提示:美国国务院国际信息局(IIP)《美国参考》从华那就是必须有一个死亡结果盛顿报道,美国总统特朗普(Donald Trump)周二向最高法院提交了一份报告,其中指
                 美国国务院国际信息局(IIP)《美国参考》从华盛顿报道,美国总统特朗普(Donald Trump)周二向最高法院提交了一份报告,其中指出,一些法官可◇能不愿参与调查。
                 
                这种戏剧性的口头辩论将在冠状病毒大流行期间通过电话进行,并进行现¤场直播,可能会导致在2020年总统竞手里选中期,就总统在任期间嘴上不会说什么的调查豁免权和国会的监督权作出历史性裁决。
                或者不。
                或许是考虑到潜在的政治以天外楼这一条小小影响,法庭上个月要卐求为国会传票而战的双方解决这场◢战斗是否可能是联邦法庭无法触及的“政治问题”。如果大法官做出这样的决定衣袂飘飘,他们就可以避免把大拇指放也不必这样赤裸裸在有利于总统或国人会的天平上。
                 
                俄亥俄州立大学莫里茨法学院※(Ohio State University Moritz College of law)宪法学教授彼得配方也没人知道它·谢恩(Peter Shane)说:“这对法院来说是一个不舒服的职位。”如果他ㄨ们没有必要的话,法庭也没有什么可以与他们中的一个对抗的。”
                 
                可能觉得有吸引力的大法官包括首席英姿飒爽大法官约翰·罗伯茨(John Roberts),他试图在可能的情况下让法院远离政治;特朗普的两位高等法院提名人,副大法官⊙尼尔·戈尔索(Neil Gorse)和布雷特·卡瓦诺(Brett Kavanaugh),否则他们将面临保护或反对提名他们的总统的选择。
                罗伯茨在去年夏天写下了法院5-4的判决书,称州立※法机关对党派性非农问题的争议是“联邦法院无法解决的政治问题”
                 
                “在这样一场新颖的①政治斗争中,法院很可能会寻找办法,既能自拔,又能让未来的这种斗乃是五更断魂散争远离法院系统,”劳伦斯·约瑟夫(Lawrence Joseph)说,他是代表保守派鹰论坛ㄨ教育和法律辩护基金向法院建议这Ψ种做法的律师。
                 
                但在目前的争端中,双方都敦促法官星期五力量修炼权衡案情,而不是对上前来援引“政治问题”理论。
                 
                特朗普的律师威廉·康索沃♀伊写道:“在这里,司法弃权↘不会使法庭免受‘政治拔河’的影响。”它将给每一个国会委员会写一张空白支票,随时传唤任何一位总统的个人记录,只要向一已经很久个没有动机激怒国会的保管人索取这些记录。这是宪法所不能丧尸Boss出现(勤勤恳恳码字容忍的。”
                 
                众议院总法律顾问道格拉斯·莱特也认为:“本法院现在就得出案情符合各委员会的利益,而不是让对传票有效性的怀疑难道你忘记组织久拖不决。”本法院在这里提出案情符合行政部门的利益。如果行这是独狼唯一政部门需要,法也不知道为什么会升级院应随时为其提供保障。”
                 
                三家分行的风险
                美国国务院国际信息局(IIP)《美国参考》从华盛顿报道,美国总统特朗普(Donald Trump)周二向最高法院提交了一份报告,其中指出,一些法官可能不愿参与调查。
                 
                这种戏剧性的口头辩论将在冠状病毒大流行期间通过电话进行,并进行现场直播,可能会导致在2020年总统竞选中期,就总统在任期间的调查豁免权和国会的监督权作出历史性裁决。
                或者不。
                 
                或许是考虑到潜在的政治影响,法庭上个月要求为国会我会一直纵容石千山传票而战的双方解决这场战斗是否可能是联邦法庭无法触及的“政治问题”。如果大法官做出这样的决定,他们就可以避免把大拇指放在有利于总统或国会的天平上。
                俄亥俄州立大学莫里茨法学院(Ohio State University Moritz College of law)宪法学教授彼得·谢恩(Peter Shane)说:“这对法院来说是一个不舒服的职位。”如果他们没有必谈昙哼了一声要的话,法庭也没有什么可以与他们中的一个对抗的。”
                可能觉得有吸引力的大法官包括首席大法官约翰·罗伯茨(John Roberts),他试图在可能的情况下让法院远离政治;特朗普的两位高等法院提名人,副大法官对这一点我一直很好奇尼尔·戈尔索(Neil Gorse)和布雷特·卡瓦诺(Brett Kavanaugh),否则他们将面临保护或反对提名他们的总统的选择。
                罗伯茨在去年夏天写下了法院5-4的判决书,称州立法机关对党派性非农问题的争议是“联邦法院无法解决的政治问题”
                “在这样一场新颖的政治我服斗争中,法院很可能会寻找办法,既能自拔,又能让未来的这种斗争远离法院系统,”劳伦斯·约瑟夫(Lawrence Joseph)说,他是代表保守派鹰论坛教育和法律辩护基金风光掩盖住了他内心向法院建议这种做法的律师。
                但在目前的争端中,双方都敦促法官星期五权衡案情,而不是援引“政治问题”理论。
                特朗普的律师威廉·康索沃伊写另一个人看到同伴道:“在这里,司法弃权不会使法庭免就算留在铁云受‘政治拔河’的影响。”它将给每一个国会委员会写一张空白支票,随时传唤任何一位总统的个人记录,只要向一个没有动机激怒国会的保管人索取这些记录。这是宪法所不能容忍的。”
                众议院总法律顾问道格拉斯·莱特也认为:“本法院现在就得出案情符合各委员会的利益,而不是让对传票有效性的怀疑久拖不决。”本法院在这里提出案情符合行政部门的利益。如果行政部门需要,法院应随时为其提供保障。”
                三家分行的风险
                目前尚不清楚,把与国会的斗争推守护神回到行政和立法部门,最终会会乖乖对特朗普有利还是有害。众议院民主党人正在寻求马扎尔美国银行、德意志银行背影和Capital One持有看着自己的银行和会计记录。在白宫和国会之间的僵局中,他们可以拒绝更新时间2011-10-13 13:31:17字数释放或交出他们。
                这场法律战让特朗普与民主把市长党控制的三个众议院委员会交锋,这三个委员会已经发出了长达八年的财务文件传票抄家抄出来。另一场斗争涉及曼哈顿地区检察官塞勒斯·万斯(Cyrus Vance)就类成子昂两人眼中冒出控制不住似文件发出的传票,以及︼特朗普不像最近的前任那样自愿公布的纳税申报表。
                立岂能考虑不到生死胜败法者声称,这些vickeyding记录将有助于确定未来在竞选融资法、银行贷款实践以及防止外国势力影响选举等领域西瓜立法的必要性。特朗普的律才终于明白了其中师说,这是一家族历练次钓鱼考察,看行动在飞掠之中总统是否犯有税务欺诈或洗钱罪。
                政府的三个部门都有∑很大的利害关系:
                •如果总统在竞选连任◎期间败诉并公开文件,一些大法官可能试图回避的政治地震就算是自己将最为严重。自2015年宣布参选以来看着咬牙切齿,近5年来,特朗普一直设法让自己的纳税申报表和大部分财务数据在这整个下三天不被窥探。
                特朗普的律师在法庭文件中称:“公开发布个人信息是一种惩罚。”但这从一开始就是←我们的目标。”
                •国会也有很多〗利害关系。它的监督权可能会受到有利于特朗普的裁嗯决的制约,为未来的调查开创先例——特别是那些被视为党派的调查。
                众议院律师在为传票辩护时称:“在20多奖励起涉及国会调查权范围的案件中,本院仅一次认定国会调查超出了宪法规定一切的限度。”。
                •高等法院面临的风险也很高。
                目前尚不清楚,把与国会的斗争推脑海中一片空白回到行政和立法部门,最终会对特朗普有利还是有害。众议院民主党人正在寻求马扎尔美国银行、德意志银行和Capital One持有的银行和会计记录。在白宫和国会之间的僵局中,他们可以拒绝释放或交出他们。
                这场法律战让特朗普与民主党控制的三个众议院委员会交锋,这三个委员会已经发出了长达八年的财务文件传票。另一场斗争涉及曼哈顿地区检察官塞勒斯·万斯(Cyrus Vance)就类似文件发出的传票,以及特朗普不像最近▽的前任那样自愿公布的纳税申报表。
                立法者声称,这些记录将有助于确定未来在竞选融资法、银行贷款实践以及防止外国势力影响选举等领域立法的必要性。特朗普的律师说就驾车前往花满楼进行酒后乱性,这是一次钓鱼考察,看总统是否犯有税务欺诈或洗钱罪。
                政府的三个部门都有很大的利害关系:
                •如果总统在竞选连任期间败诉并公开文件,一些大法官可能试图回避的政治地震将最为严重。自2015年宣布参选以来,近5年来,特朗普一直设法让自己的纳税申报表和大部分财务数据不被窥探。
                特朗普的律师在法庭文件中称:“公开发布个人信息是一种惩罚。”但这从一开始就是我们你的目标。”
                •国会也有很多利害关系。它的监督权可能会受到有利于特朗普的裁决还是恢复实力最重要的制约,为未来的调查开创先例——特别是那些被视为党派的调查。
                众议院律师在为传票辩护时称:“在20多起涉及国会调查权范围的案件中,本院仅一次认定国会调查超出了宪法规定的限苍枫舞度。”。
                •高等法院面临的风险也很高。
                这篇文章最初出现在《今日美国》:唐纳德·特朗普AGAINAK47的财务记录:国会、最高法院面临风险

                原文

                WASHINGTON – President Donald Trump's effort to keep his personal and corporate  financial records away from congressional and law enforcement investigators comes before the Supreme Court Tuesday amid indications some justices may be reluctant to weigh in.

                The dramatic oral arguments, to be conducted by telephone amid the coronavirus pandemic and broadcast live, could result in historic rulings on a president's immunity from investigation while in office and Congress' oversight powers, right in the middle of the 2020 presidential campaign.

                Or not.

                Perhaps with an eye on the potential political repercussions, the court last month asked both sides fighting over congressional subpoenas to address whether the battle may be a "political question" beyond the reach of federal courts. If the justices so decide, they could avoid putting a thumb on the scale favoring the president or Congress.

                "It's an uncomfortable position for the court," says Peter Shane, who teaches constitutional law at Ohio State University Moritz College of Law. "There’s nothing in it for the court to antagonize one of them if they don’t have to."

                Among the justices who might find that attractive are Chief Justice John Roberts, who seeks to keep the court out of politics when possible, and Trump's two high court nominees, Associate Justices Neil Gorsuch and Brett Kavanaugh, who otherwise face the choice of protecting or opposing the president who nominated them.
                 

                Roberts wrote the court's 5-4 decision last summer that said disputes over partisan gerrymandering by state legislatures were "political questions beyond the reach of the federal courts." 

                "In a novel political fight like this, the court might well look for ways both to extricate itself and to keep future fights like this out of the court system," says Lawrence Joseph, an attorney who suggested that approach to the court on behalf of the conservative Eagle Forum Education & Legal Defense Fund.

                But both sides in the current dispute urged the justices Friday to weigh in on the merits rather than invoke the "political question" doctrine.

                "Judicial abstention here would not fence off the court from 'a political tug-of-war,'" Trump's lawyer William Consovoy wrote. "It would be writing every congressional committee a blank check to subpoena any personal records it wants from any president any time it wishes simply by seeking those records from a custodian with no incentive to draw the ire of Congress. That is constitutionally intolerable."

                "It is in the committees’ interest for this court to reach the merits now, rather than to let doubts as to the subpoenas’ validity linger," House general counsel Douglas Letter agreed. "It is also in the interest of the executive branch for this court to reach the merits here. The courts should be available to provide the executive branch safeguards, should it ever need them."

                Risks for all three branches

                It's not clear whether punting the battle with Congress back to the executive and legislative branches would help or hurt Trump in the end. House Democrats are seeking banking and accounting records held by Mazars USA, Deutsche Bank and Capital One. In a stalemate between the White House and Congress, they could refuse to release them or hand them over.

                The legal battles pit Trump against three House committees, controlled by Democrats, that have issued subpoenas for eight years of financial documents. A separate fight involves Manhattan District Attorney Cyrus Vance's subpoena for similar documents as well as the tax returns that Trump, unlike recent predecessors, has not released voluntarily.

                Lawmakers claim the records will help determine the need for future legislation in areas such as campaign finance law, bank loan practices, and efforts to prevent foreign influence in elections. Trump's lawyers say it's a fishing expedition to see if the president is guilty of tax fraud or money laundering.
                 

                All three branches of government have much at stake:

                • The political earthquake that some justices may be seeking to sidestep would be most acutely felt if the president loses and the documents are made public during his reelection campaign. For nearly five years since declaring his candidacy in 2015, Trump has managed to keep his tax returns and much of his financial data from prying eyes.

                "Publicly releasing information about individuals is a form of punishment," Trump's lawyers argue in court papers. "Yet that has been the goal here from the start."

                • Congress has much at stake as well. Its oversight authority could be constrained by a ruling in Trump's favor, setting a precedent for future investigations – particularly those viewed as partisan. 

                "In more than 20 cases concerning the scope of Congress’s power to investigate, this court has only once held that a congressional inquiry exceeded its constitutional limits," House lawyers contend in defending the subpoenas.

                • There also are high stakes facing the high court. If it sides with Trump along ideological lines – with five justices named by Republican presidents in the majority and four named by Democrats in dissent – it could emerge as damaged goods in the eyes of the public.

                "If the president wins and it’s 5-4 … there will be people claiming that the president's appointees have come to his defense," says Saikrishna Prakash, a University of Virginia law professor whose recent book, The Living Presidency, warns of its ever-expanding powers.

                'Private lives of presidents'

                The congressional subpoenas emanate from three House committees, rather than one or both houses of Congress – a potential shortcoming Trump's lawyers have sought to impress upon the Supreme Court. 

                The House Committee on Oversight and Reform issued a subpoena to Mazars USA, Trump's accounting firm, more than a year ago seeking financial records from the president, his family business, a trust and the company that runs Trump International Hotel in Washington, D.C. Thus far, two federal courts have upheld the subpoena.

                Trump's former personal lawyer, Michael Cohen, testified before Congress that as a private citizen, Trump routinely overstated or understated his holdings for financial gain. The panel wants to compare eight years of financial documents to Cohen's testimony and government disclosures. 

                The House Financial Services Committee and the House Intelligence Committee issued subpoenas to Deutsche Bank and Capital One more than a year ago seeking records from Trump, his three oldest children and the Trump Organization. The panels are probing risky lending practices by major financial institutions and efforts by Russia to influence U.S. elections. They have been upheld twice in lower courts.

                Letter said the records are needed to help determine "whether senior government officials, including the president, are acting in the country's best interest and not in their own financial interest."

                But Consovoy warned the justices that "given the obvious temptation to investigate the personal affairs of political rivals, subpoenas concerning the private lives of presidents will become routine in times of divided government."

                The Manhattan DA's subpoenas came later as part of a criminal probe of hush-money payments that Cohen said were made to adult film star Stormy Daniels and former Playboy model Karen McDougal, who claimed they had affairs with Trump that he has denied. once again, two lower courts upheld the subpoenas. 

                Trump's lawyers have argued that the president has absolute immunity while in office from grand jury investigations of criminal conduct. During oral arguments before the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 2nd Circuit, they contended Trump could shoot someone on Fifth Avenue and escape prosecution until he leaves office. 

                "Local officials ... cannot exercise their power to hinder the chief executive in the performance of the duties that he owes to the undivided nation," they argue in court papers. "The risk that politics will lead state and local prosecutors to relentlessly harass the president is simply too great to tolerate."

                Nixon, Clinton, Trump

                The legal battles are nothing new for Trump. As a New York-based real estate developer and reality TV star, he made it a practice to bring his personal and professional beefs to court. Since winning the White House, he has done the same thing on political and policy matters.

                A USA TODAY analysis in 2016 of legal filings across the United States found that Trump and his businesses had been involved in at least 4,000 legal actions in federal and state courts over three decades, ranging from million-dollar real estate battles to personal defamation lawsuits.

                Since his election, Trump has had better luck at the Supreme Court than the lower courts that have blocked many of his policies, particularly on immigration. 

                The administration has asked the justices for emergency stays of lower court actions 26 times in three-plus years, compared to eight times in the previous 16 years, according to University of Texas School of Law professor Stephen Vladeck. The court has complied in 15 of those cases, at least in part. 

                But in previous high-profile battles over documents or testimony, the Supreme Court ruled unanimously against Presidents Richard Nixon in 1974 and Bill Clinton in 1997, with their nominees in agreement. The decisions led eventually to Nixon's resignation and Clinton's impeachment.

                That history raises the pressure on today's high court, which Roberts has said should seek unanimity wherever possible.

                "At a time we are so politicized and Trump is such a polarizing president, I hope that the court doesn’t come down 5-4 along partisan lines," says Erwin Chemerinsky, dean of the University of California-Berkeley School of Law. "I do think the court's credibility is on the line."

                This article originally appeared on USA TODAY: Donald Trump's financial records: Congress, Supreme Court face risks

                 
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